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SPEECH 



OK 

Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, 

DELIVERED AT THE CONVENTION AND MASS MEETING OF THE 
DEMOCRACY OPPOSED TO THE CHICAGO PLATFORM, 

HBLD AT THB 

Cooper Institute, New York, November 1/1864. 



„;„£ ^i" Z f 8 - : f htt l e whlle a »° those of the Democratic party who meet here to 

night earnestly desired a change in the Administration; to that change weloked 2 t£ 

Svf 6 W , aJ t0 , bnng P T e t0 .° Ur C0Hntr ^ We trusted that ^e Chicago Convention would 
exhAit wisdom, honor and patriotism ; we hoped that they would drop all minor SeSna 
and strive to bring about an honorable adjustment of our difficulties dissensions 

Many of us believed that the Convention would propose that the insurgent States lav 
stZ I 6 "" T? T d J?' 11 " 1 f '° the F ni0Q; and this **tig done > that * convfntTon o? a 1 K 
fS^X f d , f ° r , 5 e P ur P° se <>f ^ying to harmonize the real or imagined grievance? 
Upon that simple platform we had hoped to place two eminent civilian whose E 
whose moderation and whose statesmanship the country could trust. Wttn 'such a pktform 
and with such candidates, we had intended to go before the people and urge thorn tc ► mak. 
this change as the surest means of restoring the Union. But when we find°tha the enemts 
tnZ%°lt TQ ? ent ' t r ait0rS 1 t ° Democratic principles, ruled that assembly, and virtuaHyTur 
* d the honor the valor and the manhood of the North, we denounce the crime and 
refuse to stand sdent by and witness the completion of our country's humiliation 
thP «lS em ° Cra •?• ? arty T e *> defeated in the Presidential contest four years a-o because 
the southeTn politicians wished it defeated; they deliberately planned I and persiVteX 
pSS2 Af^-- te.UunhL™ elected because the souL?n poSictans Sfd £ 
to 5Sri n aU m ^ PWer t0 make ™ r de f eat and his ei ^n sure. Their^bS wS 
tErnnl t y >, • m °? ra !i. C Par y ' and thus dest roy the Uaion, as they themselves Veivsai? 
through their journals they "hated free schools, free speech free institutions free labor Tnd 
free men." No man of our time had a more complete knowledge upon this subject than that 
true. Democrat, brave patriot, and great man, Stephen A. DoSglas. Death summoned Mm 
from this scene of strife, and in his last farewell he said : summoned him 

™iJSS m^ C e ^han\ m v r e e ar P s^2lfo? m e ST?* T^™ movement is the ™»» »f an enor- 
twelve month, a^go? The^se th^eTyl^^^m^t^T^ *** ^^ Confeder acy more than 
desired the election of a aorthern canaidat hv I L,,;*.™? , • i" 6 accom P'>shment of their ends. Thev 

candidates in several of the southern States S defeated ' m the def eat of the disunion 

levied to a"comp li s Mf. f0 Ther e e are only IT sidesloXP^ * n T knovn I *™Ie. have been raised, war i, 
against i, Ther'e can be ^3S* !^SL kg*?" — ' * '" ^ UnUed bJate8 ° r 
Chicago 8 la ThrS eeCh0f ? 0Ugla9 Wa9 deIi ™red just before he died. It was delivered in 

A committee on resolutions entered that assembly and said • 

faUur^to Sre^heVnion b yCe e^pSlnt of ^VS"? ° f I' V ffierican P^Je, that, after four year, of 
or war power higher than The Cons«tutfoT?hP rw£ f—F W ,^ h ' Under the P^tense of a mintary necessity 
lie liberty and private right S & d »w B X" "i b6en dis - re e ard « d * ereiy part, and pj£ 

Patched >y the War Dwaowatto Stat* Committee of the State of New Tort 



.irk* 



hear the heart beat. It is no wonder ! they were standing by Douglas' grave ! and they saw 
his handwriting on the wall, and they heard his warning voice say, " There can be no neutrah 
in this war — only patriots or traitors." 

I shall show that the sentiments embodied in this resolution were not the sentiments ot 
anv friend of Douglas, of any true Democrat, or of any lover of the Union The resolution 
was forced upon the Convention against its real sentiments, and by noisy bold, and fraudu- 
lent threats of a Northwestern secession. It is to be regretted that the friends of Douglas, 
the friends of his principles, the friends of the Union, did not firmly say, " TJiere can be no 
neutrah in this war-only patriots or traitors." But all real friends of the Lmon will soon 
shake off the galling fetters with which Vallandigham, Pendleton, and other southern 
avmpathizers have bound them, and return to the true principles of the Democratic party, 
from which these friends of the Union's enemies have for the moment beguiled them. 

The hour is near when all will see that " there are only two sides to this question; every 
man must be for the United States or against it." # . g ,,..•. 

Yallandi"-ham and a few active, noisy, adroit and audacious enemies of the Union, and tnends 
of Toombs Jeff Davis and Judah Benjamin, have assumed to give voice to the Democratic 
r,artv ■ they have skillfully tried to make honest Democrats believe that no supporter of an ad- 
ministration placed in power by Republicans could be a Democrat. By this false and specious 
o!' e many holiest men have been deceived. When the Democrats of the South, by their own 
treachery to the Democrats of the North, placed Mr. Lincoln in power, what was a patriotic 
Democrat to do, but to sustain the only government which Southern traitors had left us? 
Were Northern Democrats to sacrifice their country, to surrender their manhood, to become 
the dou-hfaced cowards and poltroons which Southern braggarts always said we were t 
When in April, 1861, Fort Sumpter fell, and the Rebel Secretary of War amid he roar of I 
cannon and the shouts of the enemies of our Government, announced to the world that the , 
Confederate flag floated over the walls of Sumpter, and that the same flag would float over j 
the Dome of the Capitol at Washington before the first of May, what were Northern Demo- 
crats to do ? What did their good instincts prompt them to do, and what did they do t 
Thev rose in their might, and swore to defend and to preserve our country entire -they 
hastened to the field, nor stopped to ask who for the time was at the head of their beloved 
government. This great uprising struck the South aghast-so long had we been accustomed 
to vield to their arrogant pretensions; so long had they ruled us as they pleased; that they 
verily thought, when they chose to deprive us of power and to put Mr Lincoln m place, in 
order as they expressed it, " to fire the Southern mind and hurry the cotton States into 
revolution " that Northern Democrats would tamely submit to the destruction of their party 
and the ruin of their country. They soon found out their mistake ; they a so found that 
Northern Democrats would fight, and that they were dangerous foes to meet m the held. 
Thev found that Northern Democrats retained their valor; that they still loved their country, 
their government and the Union ; that the dear old flag which waved so proudly over every 
sea and whose bright stars gladdened tie heart of freedom on every shore ; which no tyrant, 
Sncr or emperor dared insult; they would not allow to be pulled from the high Dome of he 
Capitol nor let the rebel rag there float in the morning air, to flap shame and menace in the 
face of Loyal Men. Wheif Davis, Mason, Slidell, Toombs and Judah Benjamin saw this, 
they took counsel together, and they Jid "exphcitly declare" that war thus conducted 
woiud be "a failure," and they concluded that upon Northern Democrats they had bettei 
« exhaust all the resources of statesmanship," and so they commenced. Emissaries were sent 
abroad to write in foreign journals; Secret agents were sent to every part ot the North; 
efforts were made in every possible way] to delude, deceive, and to corrupt the mind of the 
Democracy ; skillfully to excite their prejudices, their passions and their tears 

Arbitrary arrests! the fanaticism of abolitionists, the currency, the draft-labor too low, 
and labor too high-the short-comings of the administration, the love of peace, and the evils 
i ,f war were each seized upon in turn, ii order to divide the party, and to prejudice the pub- 
lic mind against the Government-and % what end ? Was it to restore the Union ? No ! 
every one now knows that it was to stop the war, and to destroy the Union _ ' 

The Englishman who fought for the Sultan in the Crimean war was not thereby made a 
Turk or a Mahomet. We do not turn Republicans to sustain this war. W e fight tor our 
( i overnment-for patriotism— not for party. We go into this war Democrats, we shall come 
out of it Democrats. We shall preserve our Democratic Government, our Democratic prin- 
ciples and our Union entire. Can any dullard be made to believe that our brave officers and 
soldiers who have periled their lives in the war are changed from Democrats to Republicans t 
It is the strength of their Democratic faith and the devotion of their Democratic patriotism 
which makes them fight so nobly. ix.^T\ n ~ n 

The South had well nigh exhausted " all their resources of statesmanship upon the Demo- 
cratic party when they forced the second resolution upon the Chicago Convention and placed 
" their own familiar friend," Pendleton, on the ticket. 

Bnt tha, South had other resources, as they confidently believed ; they supposed that cot- 
ton ruled the world; that England could not live a year without this staple of the South— 



X C5- 



:-£ x 



that without cotton England would soon be in revolution — be forced to recognize the Con- 
federacy and raise tbe blockade. England did want the cotton; England did desire to recog- 
nize the South; England did eagerly wish to rend us asunder; to cripple our commerce, to 
have free trade with the South, and to destroy our manufactures ; and she encouraged the 
Southern revolt in every possible way. She allowed the Alabama to be built in her waters, 
and to be manned with English seamen, and under false pretences to leave her shores to prey 
upon our commerce. She saw with joy the havoc which that swift steamer was making 
upon our merchantmen ; — that our shipping was rapidly driveu from the seas, and 
that England was taking the trade of the world ! Emboldened by the success of the Ala- 
bama, she allowed the formidable steam rams to be built for the destruction of our Navy, and 
to break up the blockade. Our Government protested against the hostile act ; England shuf- 
fled, prevaricated, excused herself — said she had no law to stop them ; and they were nearly 
ready to come out upon us, when Mr. Seward said if English law could not stop the rams — 
English law coidd not stop war with the United States. The trading English are a consider- 
ate people ; they keep the ledger carefully, and they know how to cypher ; slow, to be sure, 
but pretty accurate in calculating profit and loss. Lord Russell sent out to Lord Lyons to 
know whether these Yankees would fight ? His lordship replied that they were a strange, 
obstinate, fanatical sort of people, and that he thought they would fight ; that he had been 
throuo-h the North with Mr. Seward, and the people seemed to have a great deal of property 
and a great deal of. pluck ; and besides that there were a good many of them, and they did 
not seem to be afraid of anything — in short that they were a dangerous nation to quarrel 
with. Enjrland'began to reason, that if the Alabama, without a single port in the wide world 
within which to take a prize — without a single harbor for a resting place — could destroy the 
commerce of the United States, what would a hundred American cruisers do when let loose 
upon English ships ? England soon contrived to stop the rams. England is harmless now ; 
she has given bonds secured by all her shipping upon the ocean ; she will keep the peace ; 
she is old, heavy and rich ; she keeps shop; does a profitable business; makes things to sell ; 
and peddles them in her vessels all over the world. Fighting is not her profession ; she says 
war is unchristian, is wicked. The South have " exhausted all their resources of states- 
manship " upon England, and have given it up. 

But the South relied also upon France. France is a warlike nation, with vast armies in 
perfect discipline, and ready for the field. France don't cant about the "wickedness of w,ar ;" 
France is not so thoroughly of the shop as England. France cares less about money, and 
has more love of glory. France is prepared and ready for a fight— she needs only the 
occasion and the motive. We have been in real danger from France. The motive has 
been widely different in the two countries. England wants to see us broken up, our com- 
merce and manufactures destroyed ; France has no such wish. The present Emperor, like 
his great uncle, sees that our greatness is useful as a restraint upon England. But he had 
certain designs upon Mexico and the Isthmus, bearing upon the trade with the Pacific and 
China, which made our temporary disunion seem desirable ; and the evidence is clear that 
the South believed that, for the surrender of Louisiana and Texas, the Emperor would lend 
the Confederacy his aid. It is now too late to purchase his intervention even at that price. 
The restoration of the Union will not interfere with any known designs of that far-seeing 
statesman. On the contrary, he wishes it restored, and he will soon throw his influence in 
that direction. France gives the laws of taste, luxury, and fashion to the civilized world. 
Nations who are at war — poor or demi-barbarian — are of little value to France ; but every 
nation which cultivates the arts of peace, grows rich, luxurious, and refined, pours its 
treasures into France. If stable governments can be established in Mexico and upon the 
Isthmus, those countries will rapidly grow rich, refined, luxurious, and make a new market 
for the wines, the silks, and the countless fabrics of France. Our own country had become 
the best of her customers ; the war has now nearly destroyed all trade with France. I 
learned from our Consul in Paris that the trade had literally ceased. The Emperor under- 
stands all this — he watches every phase of our politics and every movement of our armies 
with intensest care. He wishes peace in America for the good of France ; and you may be 
'sure that he will try to hasten peace by every means in his power. During the month of 
July it was confidently whispered by the Secessionists in Paris, that the next steamer would 
bring news of Lee's entry into Washington, and that the Confederacy would forthwith be 
recognized by France. No Union man could then understand upon what this confident 
hope was based ; we now know — the Northwestern conspirators were to aid Lee, and the 
Rebels in Paris were advised of it. The plot failed. Many of the conspirators have fled, 
others are secreted, some have been arrested, and are now on trial in Indiana. The Rebels 
have " exhausted all their resources of statesmanship" in this direction, and have " explicitly 
failed." The Emperor, as you know, has lived in this country — he understands our Govern- 
ment — he Waits the result of this autumn election to determine his action. I had it direct 
from those who have the best meats of information, and before the result of the Chicago Con- 
vention was known, that, if Mr. Lincoln should be re-elected, it would assure the Emperor 
that the North were determined to put down the Rebellion " at all hazards ;" and that they 



4 

bad the a 1 ilit 4 to do it. But if the opposition candidate were elected, tb,en it would assure- 
him that the North were too much divided to succeed against the Confederacy — that he was 
determined, if possible, to bring about an early peace, and that the re-election of Mr. Lincoln 
would be conclusive evidence that there could be no peace but in Union, and that the elec- 
tion of the opposing candidate would make it equally conclusive that there could be no peace 
but in disunion. It may be safely said that soon after the election of Mr. Lincoln, the hand 
of Napoleon will be seen in favor of the speediest Peace and Union of all the States ; urging 
the North to offer, and the South to accept, re-union with every right guaranteed under the 
old Constitution. 

But it may be safely said that the South will not accept even this. Not a Secessionist 
in Paris, not a Confederate minister of the South, not an orator, not a newspaper, not a pub- 
lic man anywhere suggests or ever has suggested that the election of McClellan and Pendle- 
ton would even tend to produce a return of the South to the Union — they each and all reject 
the proposition with scorn. Even Stephens, the mildest of their number, announces that it is 
" recognized sovereignty" and not Union which they are determined to have, and that the 
only ray of hope which the nomination at Chicago gives, is a faint possible hope of an eariier 
independence ; never a suggestion that re-union can, by any possibility, come of the election 
of McClellan. 

Did you ever ask a friend of Vallandigham and Pendleton and of the second resolution of 
the Chicago Platform, what effect the victory of our arms was likely to have upon the elec- 
tion of McClellan ? If so, they have confessed to you that vietory in the field was their defeat 
at the polls. What ! great victories won by our heroic armies in the field, over traitors to our 
Government, tend to defeat a Major-General of that army, still drawing his pay from that 
Government ! ! ! Does this need a commentary ? How does it strike the people ? What do 
they say to this ? They send their brothers and their sons to battle and to death ; they at 
the cost of fife win bright victories in defense of our cherished Government, and every such 
victory, it is acknowledged by all, tends to defeat the Major-General McClellan ! Can those 
who wish him elected, rejoice at such victories ? I trust he has no friend so base as to pretend 
to such false rejoicing. The private character of a candidate for public honors is not a proper 
subject for discussion. But when a man comes before the people and asks them to vote him 
into the Presidency, it is just that we should, with honest fairness, consider his claims to that 
exalted office. I believe that the private character of Gen. McClellan is without reproach ; I 
cheerfully accord to him all the purity and every kindly virtue which his admirers claim ; 
I think him a Christian gentleman who would not willingly see the Union destroyed'; — I shall" 
only speak of his public career as it appears in the record of our time. 

McClellan is thirty-seven years eld : what has the young man done for his country to 
entitle him to this high place ? The convention which nominated him " does explicitly de- 
clare " that the war is " a failure ; so then, it is not for success in war, that he claims our 
votes. Two years ago, he was removed from his command for alleged incompetency. 
During those two years, our Country has passed through the direst trials and bloodiest 
wars of modern times ; thousands of his brave comrades in arms have died on the battle- 
field ; three hundred thousand of our youth have perished in this struggle for the Nation's 
life! What has McClellan done at his country's call during these two long years of her 
greatest peril ? What has he done ? He is said to be very popular, and to have much 
influence over that class of men who make soldiers in the field — the army has been in 
greatest need of men — was his heart full of zeal for the cause, and did he go from city to 
city, using all his powers to rouse the people for the war, to put down the wicked rebellion 
and to save his bleeding and beloved land ? Had he done so, he would have received the 
holiest benedictions of the people ; he would have been made lieutenant-general of all the 
armies, and the heaving of the Nation's heart would' have lifted him to the Presidential 
chair, easy as the swell of the ocean lifts a little barque upon the shore ! What has he done 
during these two eventful years ? Nothing — but write out excuses for doing nothing be- 
fore. You can't deceive the people long — they have an instinct, a just perception of truth 
wiser than logic. Old Blair told McClellan that he woidd surely foil if he run for the 
Presidency. After election, McClellan will find that old Blair was right. But he can then 
very justly make the same excuse for the failure which he so often made for his failures in 
the war, namely — the want of men. 

What then are the pretensions of this yonng man to this great office ? Before the war 
he had done nothing ; in the war, it is explicitly declared "that all has been failure." Since 
he left the army, it is plain that he has ddoe nothing whatever. 

But we are told that Jeff. Davis, Mason, Slidell, Toombs and Judah Benjamin are men of 
such lofty pride that they will not treat with- Mr. Lincoln, whose manners they don't like ; 
but that McClellan is an educated, courteous, amiable, Christian gentFeman, whom they 
formerlykuew well, and that they would be more willing to treat with him for peace. We 
have many cultured, amiable, Christian gentlemen in the North, and we justly prize their 
virtues. But, during this grim time of war, I think it safer to let Grant, Sherman and 
Sheridan ; Farragut, Dupont, Porter and Winslow treat with these arch-rebels. 



The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop made a speech the other day at New London, in which 
he gave reasons why McClellan ought to be elected, which I had never seen advanced be- 
fore. He says : 

" Let me not forget, however, to remind you, my friends, that he has in his veins, in common with so many 
ef you, and in common, as I am glad to remember, with myself, too, a little good old Connecticut blood, com- 
ing down ftom an ancestor who settled here a century ago. I am sure you will not think any the worse of himr 
for that." 

I believe it is true, as Mr. Winthrop says, that McClellan is of a Connecticut family, who 
have lived there for more than a hundred years ! When Jeff Davis, Toombs, and Judah 
Benjamin read Mr. Winthrop's speech, I question whether they will be so ready to " nego- 
tiate with General McClellan" as their friends now suppose. They may suspect and hesitate 
lest they get hold of a wooden nutmeg from Connecticut. The origin of the wooden nut- 
meg story illustrates the surpassing ignorance of the South rather than the sharpness of the 
North. Nothing could be more preposterous, since the successful counterfeit must have cost 
twice as much as the genuine article; nevertheless, that story has had much vogue. Its 
origin is this: 

Many years ago a small trader in the very town where Mr. Winthrop made his speech, 
together with apples, chestnuts, walnuts, hickory nuta, <fcc, sent a few nutmegs to Beaufort, 
in South Carolina. A planter, named Bogert, seeing the nutmegs, bought them at a good 
price ; pleased with his purchase, and being especially vain of having choice delicacies at 
his table, he produced for his guests those rare and somewhat costly nuts. But the nuta 
would'nt crack, and when broken open were found to contain no meat, and the honest Con- 
necticut Yankee was cursed by the Carolina chivalry as a cheat for selling nutmegs without 
meat, and which they therefore supposed was made of wood. When our troops entered 
JBeaufort they still found the same prejudice existing against nutmegs and Yankees. 

I have a word to say to the Irish voters, who, from a land of oppression, have sought this 
home of freedom. You have been my true political friends, and I have been as truly yours. 
The many of your countrymen, with whom I have had much to do, will ,each bear witness 
that they have ever received aid, sympathy, and uniform kindness ; that no Irishman has 
had cause to complain, and that no Irishwoman has ever gone sorrowing from my door. I 
have neither reviled your religion nor traduced your race. I ask your brief attention : Your 
oppressors of the Old World are Btriving with all their might to secure the election of the 
Chicago nominees. What does it mean ? When British gold and British journals combine 
with English nobles and haters of the Irish race, do you think this comes of new-born love 
toward Irishmen ! Be not deceived. English statesmen are wise in their generation, aa 
Ireland has found to her sorrow. Those far-seeing enemies of your Green Isle know well the 
bearing of this great contest here. May it be possible — when, planted in this free so\l, 
you have grown a very Sampson in your might, that England can lure you to the lap of De- 
lilah, cut off the strength of your locks, put out your eyes, bind you with fetters of brass, 
and make you again to grind in her prison house ? 

Elect McClellan and she will have done all this; not that he would wish it, but he 
eould not help it. His election will surely dissolve the Union, and the knell of the Union is 
the death of freedom. Be not deceived ! Had I the tongue of an angel, and were my lips 
touched with the altar fire, I could not too strongly utter my deep convictions on this mo- 
inentuous question. 

Let me read what one of your able countrymen, Senator Conness, says upon this sub- 
ject: 

"It is not necessary for me to state now that I feel the deepest interest in the approaching contest. With 
some opportunities for forming a correct judgment, I declare it to be my conviction and belief that the issue of 
a united or a divided country, with all the blessings of the one, and all the horrors of the other, are involved. 
I believe that the election of Mr. Lincoln will secure the former, and that the election of Geo. B. McClellan 
will result in the latter ; Union, Freedom, Liberty and National glory on the one hand ; Disunion, continued war, 
Slavery and wretchedness, make the dreadful abyss of the other." 

I also read from a recent letter of that intelligent and able statesman, John Bright, one of 
the few of eminence in England, who is our real friend : 

"All those of my countrymen who have wished well to the rebellion, who have hoped for the break-up of 
your Union, who have preferred to see a southern slave empire rather than a restored and free republic, so far 
as I can observe, are now in favor of the election of General McClellan. All those who have deplored the ca- 
lamities which the leaders of secession have brought upon your country, who believe that slavery weakens 
your power and tarnishes your good name throughout the world, and who regard the restoration of your Union 
as a thing to be desired and prayed for by all good men, so far as I can judge, are heartily longing for the re- 
election of Mr. Lincoln. Every friend of your Union, probably, in Europe, every speaker and writer wh« 
has sought.to do justice to your cause since the war began, is now hoping, with an intense anxiety that Mr. 
Lincoln may be placed at the head of your Executive for another term." 

Surely it can hurt no pride of mine to see the " Connecticut blood of an hundred years" 
placed at the head of the nation ; but I oppose it, because, I know that it will bring the- 
ruin of my country. All the aristocracy of England earnestly desire the election of McClel- 
lan. Do yon also desire it ? If so, it is the first time that English nobles and free Irishmen 
.have wished the same thing. 

Vallandigham has just written a letter to the Net* Fork Neio*, and says that he, (Mr. 



persistent opposition on part of Ca SS idy ^d n L Ss V^l ' "% m ° St deS P CTate and 
laboring to defeat it. But the various substitutes SS ♦ ' ?. lmself « m an adjoining room, 
TOteB « a>d <• he moved that the noSatiof o? MccSL L" 7 i^ *"?"* m ™ thaU three 

Jen. Davis has lately made two spSs taS2rfi£Sffl2 TT" t , 
,, . ' ^f must beat Sherman, we must march into T™ n . „ mC , UeJiaa At Augusta he said : 

*. 2555SR£?T " to the JT*"* °< the ~va,ive party North. ^ ^ ^ * 

slaughter in battle, of your brothel a^o^i^ P^^ 011 ° f , McClella " by the 
box; askhim ifhe can aid these contemDtno,,«lTf heir ?P eeches to your neigh- 

be sure that he can do now, and thatlTe S o If °i 0Ur l°T try b ^ his TOte - If 80, then 

Fellow Citizens | there is no ^^° ^^'J 114 ™ J f Da ™ bids him', 
war; only patriots or traitors '" g <i uestl011 ; there can be no neutrals in this 

Richmond because his plans were ^^^^ib™^' ^^ ? at he did n0t take 
you are told that McDowell's army S3 T ' V$ ^ y ° U ask what is mean t by that 
^^tn^eofitwM^^^gf ^^^ 1 ^ fcClellan down the Penisut, 
ever before palmed off upon an mtelWt peoiTe Ch stu P endou s falsehood was 

On 8 2 S feffi? Jul'vTsM Seed"' ^ " V CWe ° f mietaJ - 
of September he appoi'n e 'cot ^(SZ^sST^ * WMh *g*». -d on the 4A 
plaint of the conduct of McClellan anTon the 4th * f n ^ ieut - Gen - Scott made great com- 
Department : ^leuan, and on the 4th of October sent the following letter to the 

Eon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War - Head-Qcabters of the Army, Washington, October 4th 1861 

of happy coS^ScVfiK^Siffi a^l&M & ° f Maj ° r General M <*le»an as an event 

President and^ertafn'Se?/ e the U cr b inet n hI fffi& K"» T° U ^ d to communicate directly with the 
ffgg-, has now ion g prided h£K ftStfMfi S^^^i^^ifeH 
of fi?ouo"Sr maUerS - De **-**■ in themselves grave military offenceS) T _, ^ ^ ^ ^ 

publish^eTo^w^r 681113 ^^ m ° re c ^»»oo. in Major Genera. McClellan than in any other officer I 
(General Orders No. IT.) ' 

. There are irregularities in the corresDomW P Q nf R ^ ES ° F THE Armt ' Washington, September 16th 1861 
important that junior officers on .duty be ZttZ^J'^ aTWy which need P"> m P« eorrSnf Itj s hishlv 

By command of Lieutenant General Scfttt. 

With this order fresh In his memory Major General *£. J" T °^ NSEND > -*«<*»«« ^^«ftm< oW«J. 

McClellan, the following order: g ne S>e<^ I, the same day, caused to be addressed to Major General 

orZuT' t0 be reported at once to general head fo^rTh C ?- U •'■ the P° 8iti °™. State and number of troops 
si ion madfof 'ZT< ^ -Po^wiUbe fa^SfeM n£ %&?*£" ^?P en «^ r 4"S 

Eighteen days have now elapsed and no, «, ,• [ ^' "' T ° WNSEND ' ^^' stoTO ^ ^^^'^ ^,m/. 

elapsed, and not the slightest respect has been shown to either of these orders by 



such as he so eagerly furnished the President a»7certaln Secretarie^ ^ ^ me P^^te returis- 

^-^Verre^ of such persistent negiect and d»o- 

has been feared that a conflict of authority near the !h T P robab 'y soon cure the evil. But it 

eneinies, and depressing to the friends, onhe Union 6 iLnce my lon^foZ^r? 6 higWy encour W to the 
but nominally) on duty. I shall try to'hold out till the arrival of Maior Gen^ Ti\ ^ ? ontinui °S (though 
will give me increased confidence in the safety of the llninn ,, Major General Halleck, when, as his presence 
or to walk, by reason of dropsy in my feet and W s an^l nnrTu- ^Z 8 ' 8S \^ unable to ride ia ^ ***&*, 
retire from the army. y egs ' and P araI >"sis in the small of the back, I shall definitively 

I have the honor to remain, with high respect, your most obedient servant, 
On the 1 st of November the <?nd incmitoJ ,.*•*. <.• 1 i ,. WINPIELD SCOTT, 

was not worthy to unclothe sr^tofitflhe^™ SS 8 * ^ "J^ courtier > "*> 

****** 

* * * 

President's Special War Orders No 1 Washington, Executive Mansion, Jan. 81, 1862. 

of ™&™f^^£j^&*^*%**^ after providing safely for the defense 
the railroad southwestward of what is known a, mIT, f* 6 , ob J ect ° f seizing and occupying a point upon 
Commander-in-Chief, and the exp^L^T^etT^rr ^T^^T^^yZ^ ^^ ^ 

• corded! S ' 7 OD J ectlon8 to his plan, and my reasons for preferring my own. Permission was ac- 
his l^says ':* **"**** t0 the plaQ ° f the President > ^ * g^ing reasons for prefering 

^!^&^!^^^yxrr^ A zi&^i ato r?% *a ot , the lower Chesapeak * 

enemy's power in the east, P usslDie ^na route to Richmond, and strikes directly at the heart of the 

^ The roads in that region are passable at all seasons of the year. 

^^^^^X^^^^^£^^^ ?«** !' landing which promises th. 
draught, it is neither occupied nor observed bv X tnZ \ ^ P ° mt a eaSl [ y reached b * vesseIs of heavy 
that region, and thence, but two marches to .Richmond T' ■* bUt ° De m , arch from W ^ st Point - *e key of 
off Magruder in the Peninsula and enable m ? to orlnt p ?P i! d mo 1 ve , m r t fr . om Urbana ' would P robabl y cut 
Should we faUm that, we could! w*to^ before it could be strongly reinforced, 

of Richmond, thus forcing the enemy to come out and « tta ^ 7' Z° SS tbe - James and show ourselves in rear 
the southern bank of the river ack US ' for *"" P osit ion would be untenable, with us on 

^W S^wlS^SktVort^S ^i n Ll Urbana '-f- ? useMob Jack Bay-or, toe ^ 
less celerity and brilliancy of remits, up fhe Peninsula ' ° Perate WUh C ° mplete SeCUrity > althou S h with 

iCrW^r £ uT'T '« neW Une W ° Uld bC ' aCC ° rdiDg t0 «=-cumstances, from 110 to 140,000. 
adopted y,dded *° the GenCTa1 ' Wh ° had his °™ ™7 (P- 107), and his plan was 

At page 154, General McClellan says : 

Monroe^ St artelSSn^f toe 2d ed,With ^ head -1 uarter S ° n «>e steamer Commodore, and reached Fort 

* * * ' * * * 

Torktown was surrounded by a contnu^u^ "^^ ^ the effect that 

and garrisoned by not less than l^niin t™!^= « arth -works, with strong water batteries on the York River, 
had been prepared by to"Top?«fSaiXCp« r n^ command ,°f General J. B. Magruder. Maps wh?cb! 



s 



an immediate movement had taken possession of the minds of the Administration ; and the 
new Secretary urged him to take immediate steps to freo the Potomac from rebel batteries 
and instructed him to develop his plan to the President." * 

Was it not about time to do some of these things ? His reason for insisting on going 
down the Peninsula two hundred miles to find an enemy, which had lain within twenty miles 
of him all winter, was that " the roads in that region are passable at all seasons of the year." 
And yet, if his dispatches are correct, he could not move a step there in early June, because 
" the roads were impassable." This new development of his plan was sent to the President 
on the 3d of February ; and yet, in April following, he writes that, even then, his informa- 
tion as to the enemy was vague and untrustworthy, and that he did not know whether Mul- 
berry Island was a real island or not, and that he did not even know which way the Warwick 
River ran I This will be found at page 154 of his report; and at page 106 of the same, 
report, he states that the total force to be thrown upon the whole line was to be from 110,000 
to 140,000 men ! The army of the Potomac, according to the returns in the War Depart- 
ment certified by McClellan himself, numbered as follows : 

ABSTRACT of returns received from the Army of the Potomac, from the time General McClellan took com- 
mand to August let, 1662.— On file in the Adjutant General's office: ^^ 



Date of Return. 

September 80, 1861 

October 10, " 

October 30, '• 

•November^, u 

•November 91, " 

November 80 (monthly) '.. . 162^781 



■Agsreff»t« P"«>nt for Duty. Aggwcate Present ted Absent. 

*... 118,587 144,0051 

138,724 157,723 

1*3,581 j 168,340 

154,364 1 175,731 

156,858 180,902 



.198.338 

.168,996 195,403 

.174,384 209,445 

. 183,507 219,781 

.194,159 224,035 

.190,695 225,935 

.182,313 , 222,227 

.185,418...: 222,018 

.192,424 221,578 

.179,362 214,983. 

.101,697 139,868' 

.115,102 156,838 

. 98,258 148,755 

. 99,826 157,038 

• 101,691 158,314 

96,044 156,001 



December 10, 1861 
♦December 20, " 
December 31, " 
•January 1, 1863. 
•January 10, w 
January 31, " 
February 28, " 
•March 2, " 

March 81, « 

Jane 10, 1862. 
June 20, " 
June 80, a 
July 10, 
July 20, " 
July 30, " 

*r J„ Cf ; rt ify that the above is a correct statement, taken from the official returns made by Major General 
McUellan (those marked thus * are signed only by his Assistant Adjutant General, the others by Major 
General McClellan himself) on file in this office, for the respective dates. • 

, „ (Signed) SAMDEL BRECK, Assistant Adjutant General. 

Adjitant General's Office, Washington, D. C, October 25th, 1864. 

THE PLAN. 

(l . " Fairfax Court-Housb, March 13, 1862. 

■«, t> , counci1 of commanders of army corps have unanimously agreed upon a plan of operations. Gen. 
McDowell will at once proceed with it to Washington and lay it before you. ' 



-Forces around the city of Washington 
.and line of the Potomac, before tho 
opening of tbe campaign, April lat, 
1862. r-o-t-r —» 



-Forces of the Army of" the Potomac 
on the Peninsula. 



Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 



G. B. McCLELLAN, Major General Commanding. 



41 " Headquarters Armt of the Potomac, Fairfax Court-House, March 13, 1862. 

A council of the generals commanding army corps at the headquarters of the army of the Potomac we*© 
of the opinion — 

" First._ That the enemy having retreated from Manassas to Gordonsville, behind the Rappahannock and 
Kapidan, it is the opinion of the generals commanding army corps that the operations to be carried on will be 
best undertaken from Old Point Comfort, between the York and James rivers, upon Richmond ; provided, First, 
that the enemy's vessel, the Merrimac, can be neutralized. Second, the means of transportation sufficient for 
an immediate transfer of the force to its new base can be ready at Washington and Alexandria to move down 
tne f otomac. Third, that a naval auxiliary force can be had to silence, or aid in silencing the enemy's bat- 
teries in York river. Fourth, " that the force to be left to cover Washington shall be sucli as to give an entire 
jtetona of security for its safety from menace.'" (Unanimous. ) 

This was the Peninsula plan submitted by McDowell, and McClellan telegraphs on the 
name day : 

_ .. , . . , .,„ Flint Hill, March 13, 1862— 6.15P.M. 

Tour dispatch wag received at 6.10 P. M., at this place, about three miles from Fairfax Court-House, where 
I am moving a division. The members of the council, together with myself, were unanimous In forming the- 
pLan which was presented to you by General McDowell. Steps have already been taken, so that if the plan 
meets your approval, the movement can commence early to-morrow morning. I will communicate more fullr 
•Vi soon as I return to my camp. 

Your speedy action will facilitate the movement. 
Hon. ■. M. Stimtoh, Seoretary of War. 

_. n ,. . _, ,. ,, War Dhfabtmbht, March 18, 1862. 

Tne ^resident having considered the plan of operations agreed tipon by yourself and the commanders »f 
army corps, makes no objection to the same, but gives the following directions aa to its execution : 

1st. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely eertain that the enemy shall not re- 
possess himself of that position and line of communication. 

3d. Leave Washington secure. 
-k££ i?*. 0Te toeremaiader o* t*»e 'orM down the Potemac, choosing a new base at Fortress Monroe, or aay 
wnere between here and there; or, at all events, move such remainder of the army at once in puraail of th» 
eaemy by some route. 

Seven o'eloek, forty minutes. 
MAit* w»aer»l Oaoua B. McClbllar. 



G. B. McCLELLAN, Major General. 



SDWIN jj. grr ANTON, Secretary of Wevr. 



» ^oH" 1 waB a S ree * u ?°°- , The tro °P s were speedily moved, and before the 6th ©f 
Aprd, 121,600 men were embarked, (see the sworn statement of Hon. John Tucker, Assist- 
ant Secretary of War, and who had charge of the transports, Vol. 1., p. 295, of report en 
conduct of the war ) and according to Gea McClellan' s report in writing, filed with the Ad- 
jutant General,he had left for the defences of Washington, some 76,000 troops (Vol 1 p 34M 
On the very next day, Gen. Wadsworth reported in writing, to the Secretary 'of War 
that fre had but 19,022 men for duty, and that he was ordered by Gen. McSelkn to send 
rTn y m^ reg r en ?^ th ^ number - . ( Vo1 - h P. 316.) The matter was forthwith referred to 
Gen. Hitchcock and Gen. Thomas, who made a full report, which closes in these words : 

*>£ Z?!!T5? the °- pi ? io .? ex P u reS8ed *>y th e council of commanders of army corps of the force necessary for tho 
£»T, e tw ihe CaP *'' ^"Bh not nnmericaUj stated, and of the force represented by General McCUllan^t 
left for that purpose, we are of op.nion that the requirements of the President that the city shall be left » Pn 
™S»?2£ e U?» ?K y to thC P™ ?** the general-in-chicf, but those of the » commanders of the army' 
corpe" also, has not been complied with. All of which is respectfully submitted. uomm<laaers 0I ;ne arm y 

U THOMAS, Adjutant General. 

E - A - HITCHCOCK, Major General Volunteers, United States Army. 
(Vol l,p 318.) The President then ordered that McDowell's corps, "remain in front of 
Washington until further orders, to operate in the direction of Manassas" (Vol 1 p 319) 
And this is the interference about which so much has been vaguely said It mav sur 

£ST r/scnf™ mJST ^ ^ the greater ^ ° f tMS 9ame arm ' ° f McDowell's 7 were 
McDowell's corps was composed of three divisions : 

£ r % n ^ n ' 8 12,889 men. 

McCaU's lllfil « 

Ku V s 10,953 " 

Franklin's and McCall's divisions were both sent to McClellan, and only the small division 
of King was left with McDowell ; but because he did not go himself, the false impression 
still remains that none of his army was sent. 

On the 10th of April, McClellan telegraphed to the Secretary of War these words: 
(Vo'l. I 1^322 n ) theriSkandh0ldmjrSelf res P° nsiblefortheres «lt.tf y°« will give me Franklin's dmsion."- 
Franklin was sent to him forthwith, to wit, April 11. 
On the next day McClellan telegraphed — 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, 

attac T kTnto^er re ,iSir Cd ^ Ittank ^ ^ 'T-^* f ° r the 'eintoceSente^"^? Sta will 
route now ' C ° meDt * h6ar fl '° m him I ^ 8tate P oint of rendezvous. I am confident as to 

BU Hon.° E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. * B ' McCLELL ^ Major-Gmeral. 

And on the day following — 

wel^T^t r i? CeiVed - f ir^ ^""= -uTd TssLTm^S ^VorTprt^sing 

s^lt^^st* l am sure of the re8uit - They r.^asESffirlsSff 35 ?* 

Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. (Vol. 1, p. 323.) McCLELLAN, Major-General 

Not long after McClellan wanted McCall's division also, and that was promptly sent 
to him and so determined was the Government to leave nothing undone which the General- 
wanted, that the following was sent : 

Four regiments were embarked yesterday JmVSffiSTand'o'Se"^ S. ^&2SKftd» 

Please state whether you feel sufficiently strong for your final movement when this reaches you 
Major-General McClellan. . EDWIN M . STANT0N| Secretary of War. 

/ rt ,,?^ 6 ?T e p da ? Mc S le , llan re P Ued , in th ese words : « / shall be in perfect readiness to move 
forward to take Richmond the momeM that McCall reaches here, and the ground will admit the 
passage of artillery." (Vol. 1, p. 334.) * 

On the 11th he telegraphed — 
to-da'y 5 -' CCall ' S tr °° PS haVe commenced arrivi »S at White House. I have sent instructions. Weather good 

On the next day he telegraphed : 

" Weather now good. Roads and grounds rapidly drying."^ (Vol. 1, p. 886.) 

And on the same day he writes — 

comman^^rS^S K^ S JS^S^rfS^jff^ ^ * "***« •' "* 

T»r?il the i! 8th he „ tel fg ]fa Pjhe«l that not less than 10,000 men had left Richmond to reinforce 
Jackson who was North. On the same day the President replied— 

Vmiro of ♦« ,i„„ w •. ».' v. . Wak Department, Washington, D. C, June 18. 1S62. 

ttonl "s corroborated b^l 'L^f '/ tha t Jaek *?n ha. been reinforced by about ten thousand from Rich- 
•Bona, is corroborated by a dispatch from Gen. King at Fredericksburg, saying a Frenchman, just arrived 



10 

fpom Richmond by way of Gordonsville, met ten to fifteen thousand passing through the latter place to join 
Jackson. 

If this is true, it is as good as a reinforcement to you of an equal force. I could better dispose of things 
if I could know about what day you can attack Richmond, and would be glad to be informed if you think you 
can inform me with safety A. LINCOLN. 

Major-General McClellak. 

To this McClellan answered : "If ten or fifteen thousand men have left Richmond to re- 
inforce Jackson, it ilhistrates their strength and confidence ! ! " (Vol. 1, p. 33*7.) 

And vet McClellan'.* peninsular army, during the month of June, numbered 159,500 men. 
(Vol. 1, p. 295.) i 

All this together seems to " illustrate " something besides the strength and confi- 
dence of the enemy. I think it is the first time in the history of war that weakening an 
army by sending 15,000 men on other service made the remainder of that army all the more 
terrific to the opposing General? But I don't understand war; I only claim to know some- 
thing about evidence of facts. 

But for the timely order of the President retaining McDowell, "Washington would un- 
doubtedly have fallen, and the Confederacy would have been recognized. 

I concede to Gen. McClellan all the private virtues. I dare say he has read all the books 
on war. I . doubt not he understands the science well ; he certainly writes excellently 
about it. He has capacity for organizing an army, and possesses many qualities which are 
pleasing ; but of high abilities on the great field of action he has none ; the very thing which 
weakened his enemy struck him with alarm, and he telegraphed to the President that the 
removal of 15,000 troops of the enemy from Richmond towards Washington " only illustrates 
their strength and their confidence." 

Mr. Winthrop may prove him of Connecticut blood, thrice a hundred years old, but these 
facts prove him not of the blood of a Cfesar, Hannibal, or Napoleon. He was not made to 
£ule over this great nation in the iron time of war. 

The South will surely fail in this Rebellion. I base this confidence not upon our strength 
or their weakness. I concede that in a righteous cause they would prevail. Men are slow 
to see how weak is earthly might and human power, when in conflict with the omnipotent 
Spirit of Justice ! The South had no grievance from this Government ; they were never 
wronged or oppressed in the least — they are not of different language, race, or religion ; no 
natural boundaries divide us. They made this wicked war from a mere thirst for power — 
they were dethroned of their absolute dominion by the natural growth of the free North. 
They rebelled as Satan rebelled, because " they would rather reign in Hell than serve in 
Heaven !" They are now in the full enjoyment of that kind of sovereignty. 

The Rebellion rests on no principle- — it envelopes no grand idea even ; it has no support 
but the mere wicked love of absolute power. It will surely fail. 

It is said, however, that every people is to be the judge of its own wrongs. Nothing can 
be more true. But all other peoples will also judge ; and the combined judgment of the en- 
lightened world, acting upon the human will, is resistless as the fiat of the Almighty. 

The force of this idea is already apparent. In the beginning of this Rebellion, all Europe 
was against us ; her entire 'sympathy was with the South — with the wronged and weaker 
party, as they supposed. Recognition was almost certain ; was sure, if the South could hold 
out a reasonable time. Where is the hope of recognition now ? Let me re'ad from Jeff. 
Davis' speech at Augusta, delivered a few days ago : 

" Who now looks for intervention? Who does not know that our friends abroad depend upon our strength 
at home ! That the balance is in our favor with victory, and turns against us with defeat, and that when our 
victory is unquestioned, we will be recognized, and not till then." 

The waves of human thought go on electric air "over the world. Europe is just begin- 
ing to look into this question ; by-and-by she will understand it ; and finally she will say : 
the South are all wrong ; and will withhold her sympathy. Then, the arm of Rebellion will 
drop, paralyzed in its socket. The rebels may still feebly say, we have a right to judge of 
our own wrongs. Civilized Europe will answer, yes ; but when you bring your complaints 
to us, we have a right to judge also. 

I do not expect peace very soon, though their armies be broken up. I will do the South 
the justice to say that her statesmen and her warriors are true to their Confederacy. Not 
one of them has uttered a word which looked in the slightest degree towards a return to the 
Union. They, at all times and everywhere, declare that on no terms will they ever consent 
to a union with the North. They are earnest about it. They are as brave and high spirited 
as we are. They are in terrible straights ; they cry out for troops ; they say : " Send Lee 
troops from anywhere." But " anywhere" is a vague place, and the troops do not come from 
thence at their call. Davis, by the great weight of cares and the mortifications of defeat, 
has lost all prudence and composure. He tells us, in his very despair, that his troops are 
absent in large numbers without leave, and he implores the women to send them to the 
army. He threatens like a man without power ; and yet neither he nor any one in the South 
talks of submission or of a return to the Union under any President, whether that President 
be Lincoln or McClellan. 



11 

Davis' army is nearly exhausted. When the war began there were less than four hundred 
thousand fighting men in the Confederacjr, according to the census. That number must be 
very small now, yet they have no thought of returning to the Union. Before this war ends 
they will free and arm the slaves. Of that I have no doubt. Then the end draweth nigh ; 
then the bitter questions about which we have puzzled so much will be solved ; then will 
begin the faint, slow dawn upon this long night of gloom. Slow, very slow, the dawn will 
open, feeble in its first gleam ; only the eye of faith can discern it, but it will surely, finally 
expand into the heavenly day of Union and of peace. I have reason to believe that soon 
after the election propositions will be made to the Southern States to lay down their arms 
and return to the Union, with assurances that they shall have every right which the Consti- 
tution and the laws can give them. But as I read their destiny they will not return ; they will 
spurn the offer ; they will arm the slaves and fight on, " dragging their slow length along." 
From the seaports taken, and the military posts fortified, will radiate lines of trade and in- 
creasing communication. Mexico will be an outlet for many rebels; Europe and the Isles of 
the West Indies will receive some, and by slow degrees peace wiH be restored — a peace worth 
all it will now cost — a peace which no son of ours will ever see broken. 

There is nothing personal in this coming election ; it is not a contest between Lincoln and 
McClellan. It is a conflict between two great contending principles — between free and des- 
potic government ; and clearly presents the question whether the prosperity, the happiness, 
and the greatness of our country shall be preserved or forever destroyed ! 

No mortal issue was ever so vast and grand as ours to-day. No people ever had such a 
trust to try their faith and their fidelity. Mere selfish ^politicians will never believe that a 
higher power rules the destinies of men ; that the people can be trusted ; that they cannot 
long be deceived ; that in trying times, when the mind is awake, and exalted by great events, 
the earnest people, seeking only for the truth, will have their light from Heaven ; and that, 
" The voice of the People will be the voice of God." 

Printed at the Daily Era Office, No. 9 Spruce Street, New York. 



9KS 



V60 






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